Is Nick a Good Narrator Essay Example for Free

Is Nick a Good Narrator Essay As the teller of facts for all of his observations, Nick proves to be a reliable narrator for this story. He is unaffected by what goes on around him, despite people bringing him into personal situations. Nick is factual with details. He is as well, a very private person though, and tells us little of himself during the events. In telling us about his growing up years shows us that Nick has learned many admirable things. In Chapter 1 he tells us how he was raised and the advices given him by his father. These included council on how to speak to people in general. As quoted by Nick, his father told him â€Å" ‘Whenever you feel like criticizing any one’ he told me, ‘just remember that all the people in this world haven’t had the advantages that you’ve had. ’ â€Å" He admits to us here that â€Å"In consequence I’m inclined to reserve all judgments†. He did not appear to like being drawn into drama and would avoid it at all cost. The abnormal mind is quick to detect and attach itself to this quality when it appears in a normal person, and so it came about that in college I was unjustly accused of being a politician, because I was privy to the secret griefs of wild, unknown men. Most of the con? dences were unsought frequently I have feigned sleep, preoccupation, or a hostile levity when I realized by some unmistakable sign that an intimate revelation was quivering on the horizon. † When describing events, Nick seems again unattached. He tells us what people wear, what they say and how they say it, with much emotion. On his own home in the af? uent area that he had moved (Chapter 2) â€Å"My own house was an eye-sore, but it was a small eye-sore, and it had been overlooked, so I had a view of the water, a partial view of my neighbor’s lawn, and the consoling proximity of millionaires all for eighty dollars a month. When he tells us about Tom he explains (Chapter 2) â€Å"His speaking voice, a gruff husky tenor, added to the impression of fractiousness he conveyed. There was a touch of paternal contempt in it, even toward people he liked—and there were men at New Haven who had hated his guts. When he introduces Daisy and Jordon for the ? rst time in (Chapter 2) â€Å"The only completely stationary object in the room was an enormous couch on which two young women were buoyed up as though upon an anchored Is Nick a good Narrator? ESSAY THE GREAT GATSBY! PJD balloon. They were both in white and their dresses were rippling and fluttering as if they had just been blown back in after a short flight around the house. † he then goes on with further detail â€Å"The younger of the two was a stranger to me. She was extended full length at her end of the divan, completely motionless and with her chin raised a little as if she were balancing something on it which was quite likely to fall. If she saw me out of the corner of her eyes she gave no hint of it—indeed, I was almost surprised into murmuring an apology for having disturbed her by coming in. The other girl, Daisy, made an attempt to rise—she leaned slightly forward with a conscientious expression— then she laughed, an absurd, charming little laugh, and I laughed too and came forward into the room. The only time we see him express any real emotion is when he realizes that they are all sitting around doing a lot of nothing except to anger and upset each other and that not one person has wished him a ‘Happy Birthday’ that day. He himself, until that moment had forgotten that he turned 30 on that extraordinarily hot day (Chapter 7) â€Å"‘No I just remembered that today’s my birthday. ’ I was thirty. Before me stretched the portentous menacing road of a new decade. † Nick’s privacy is highlighted in events that have taken place in the novel, but not carried forward with any great detail. Though he describes his college year, followed by his time in the army and going to war, he leaves a lot of personal things out. The ? rst couple of things that stand out regarding his personal privacy. He makes friends with a co-worker and after knowing each other a very short time, the two decide to rent a house together in the country. The friend is shipped off to Washington by the ? rm immediately on renting â€Å"a weather beaten cardboard bungalow at eighty a month†. In that same paragraph, we learn that Nick has a dog with him â€Å"at least I had him for a few days until he ran away. Nor does he talk about having a girlfriend out west or someone that he has befriended at very least, though in Chapter 2 after he meets his cousin Daisy, her husband (and Nick’s former classmate) Tom and their friend Jordan Baker (a Is Nick a good Narrator? ESSAY THE GREAT GATSBY! PJD professional golfer). Daisy suddenly says to Nick, as he is leaving â€Å" ‘I forgot to ask you something, and it’s important. We heard you were engaged to a girl out West. ’ â€Å" Nick wards of the question saying â€Å" ‘It’s libel. I’m too poor. â€Å" He then goes on privately that he was aware of this story, but that it was not true. He says â€Å"The fact that gossip had published the banns was one of the reasons I had come east. † He only refers to the woman at hand as an â€Å"old friend†. Nick spoke with clarity on the events of the summer. He described in detail, the costuming and events, the locations and people. Nick seemed unbiased and disconnected in an unemotional way, until the events of his own birthday. Overall, Nick seemed to have a good grasp of the people and events of that summer, while leaving details of himself to be determined.

Women in Shakespeares Sonnet 130 Essay -- Sonnet 130 Shakespeare Wome

Women in Shakespeare's Sonnet 130 Shakespeare is expressing, though not in the first person, that he knows women are not the perfect beauties they are portrayed to be and that we should love them anyway. He uses two types of descriptions, one of their physical beauty and the other of their characteristics to make fun of all those ‘romantic’ poets trying to ‘brown nose’ the girls they like. One of the physical attributes, in the first quatrain, that he mentions is his â€Å"mistress’ eyes are nothing like the sun,† meaning she has no ‘twinkle’ in her eyes. In the first quatrain, he also speaks of coral as being â€Å"far more red† than the lips of his mistress; this is a use of imagery to show her non-beauty. He also recognizes that there are â€Å"no such roses† on her cheeks in the second quatra...

How are Transnationalism and Europeanisation transforming the political geographies of nation-States? Discuss, with examples.

Abstract Transnationalism and Europeanistaion is the concept of downloading the structures of the European Union (EU) to the domestic level.When implementing such structures, however, the changes that are made within State territories are extended to include shared beliefs, rules, discourses, identities and policies. This, in effect, seems to be a two way process which provides territorial States with greater control over the political geographies of their nation States. Although this affects the attainment of a fully integrated EU, the same structures are still being employed which demonstrates the overall impact Europeanisation has upon nation States. This study will examine the effect Transnationalism and Europeanisation has upon the political geographies of nation States and a demonstration as to how the political geographies of these States are transformed will be given. Introduction Transnationalism refers to the transborder relations and interactions that exist between individuals, firms, institutions and groups. In doing so, the cultural and political characteristics of nation States combine, which in turn leads to Europeanisation (Featherstone and Radaelli, 2003). Europeanisation is defined as; â€Å"an incremental process of re-orienting the direction and shape of politics to the extent that EC political and economic dynamics become part of the organisational logic of national politics and policy making† (Howell, 2002: 6). Overall, Europeanisation is the downloading, to the domestic level, of European Union (EU) regulations, directives, regulations and institutional structures. Transnationalism and Europeanisation are therefore concerned with the inter-relationships between individuals, States and territories, which transforms the political geographies of nation-States. This study will demonstrate how Transnationalism and Europeanisation transforms th e political geographies of nation-States by reviewing relevant academic literature within this area and providing applicable examples of how Transnationalism and Europeanisation transforms the boundaries, divisions and possession of States. The difficulties with attaining completing EU integration will also be discussed, followed by a review as to whether the current processes are effective or not. Overview of how Transnationalism and Europeanisation are transforming the political geographies of territorial States Political geographies of territorial States are defined by borders, despite the fact that the EU intends to establish a fully integrated system. Transnationalism and Europeanisation impacts the political geographies of such States by making a distinction between State sovereignty and European integration and subsequently abrogating State sovereignty (Jacobsson et al; 2013: 70). The understanding of Transnationalism and Europeanisation has, nonetheless, been extremely complex for some time, although Europeanisation is generally considered a paradigm of Transnationalism (Maria, 2010: 1). Transnationalism and Europeanisation therefore describes the two way process of policy change that occurs between the EU and domestic governance structures. This is different from European integration, which relates to the one way process of the EU’s impact upon Member States. Distinct structures of governance are thus created through Europeanisation (Cowles et al, 2001: 1) and consist of  "formal and informal rules, procedures, policy paradigms, styles, shared beliefs and norms† (Featherstone and Radaelli, 2003: 30). The development of these distinct structures of governance has, nonetheless, been considered to generate â€Å"adaptational pressures† that are conditioned upon the ‘goodness of fit’ between EU and national policies (Cowels et al; 2001: 2). Accordingly, Europeanisation is a process of change whereby domestic structures are influenced by the processes of the EU system of governance. These are then used to shape the policy outcomes of domestic actors (Dyson and Goetz, 2003, 20), which is said to remove the borders of geographical territories within the EU. Regardless, borders are still important in helping to develop territories that are divided by State boundaries and in analysing modern political geography (Nelles and Walther, 2011: 6). Boundaries also form part of an ideology and are effective in demonstrating the limits associated with territorial ownership and control (Herrschel, 2011: 173). Borders are therefore necessary in distinguishing between territorial States. Since the Revolutions of 1989 overthrew the communist States, however, significant transformations have been made to the borders contained within the EU. The concept of Europeanisation has had a significant effect upon nation States, though at the same time it has developed multifaceted contours. This is due to the fact that it is such a contested notion and is resultantly extremely difficult to define. It has, however, recently been described as a â€Å"social act having politico-geographical motivations† (Marciacq, 2012: 1). Whilst there are many different conceptions of Europeanisation, it cannot be said that they are all equally sound. This causes controversy within the political geographies of territorial States and as argued by Driver (1991: 268); â€Å"what was once considered a moribund backwater is now fertile ground for original research and lively debate.† Nevertheless, Europeanisation is the transnational flow of people, ideas, practices and customs across all EU borders (Ydesen, 2013: 172). Not only does Europeanisation have an effect upon Member States, but it is also has an effect upon Non-Member States. T his occurs as a result of the EU’s co-operation with third countries and as expressed by neo-institutionalists; â€Å"the analysis of the organisational field of the external dimension of EU migration policy reveals interorganisational dynamics that are likely to impact on the policy output in non-Member States and shape Europeanisation processes† (Wunderlich, 2009: 22). Development of the Argument Europeanisation has transformed the political geographies of many territorial States and has had a positive impact upon the conflicts that occur between Member and Non-Member States, through integration and close association (Featherstone and Radaelli, 2003). Nevertheless, as Germany and Poland have failed to integrate fully, much confliction still exists between the two territories (Kratke, 2007: 1). The German side of the border is detrimentally affected, whilst the Polish side of the border has improved economically (Nelles and Walther, 2011: 6). One of the main objectives of Europeanisation was to ensure that States became fully integrated, yet many barriers still exist. This has been described as an â€Å"unnatural and dysfunctional unit† (Ohmae, 1995: 42), though it is unclear whether such borders will ever be fully opened up (Mingus, 2006: 577). If the EU is to become fully integrated, this will be a necessary requisite although it is likely that many States will be rel uctant to become borderless for fear that sovereignty will be undermined. In addition, borders are now being used in order to resolve many underlying issues that arise within the EU, such as immigration, crime and environmental problems. As a result, borders are being recognised as having significant importance and although it is important that the EU becomes fully integrated, it is also necessary for effective controls to exist (Gabbe, 2010). Cross-border co-operation will be capable of allowing for â€Å"the discovery and furtherance of common interests and the acknowledgement of differences† (O’Dowd, 2010: 32). Arguably, it is clear that divides continue to exist within the EU and it is questionable whether these can be overcome given the cultural and political differences that exist within territorial States. Provided that State co-operate with each other, effective Europeanisation will be ascertained; â€Å"cross-border co-operation helps lessen the disadvantages of the border, overcome the periphery status of the border regions and imp rove the living standards of people in the area† (Gronau, 2011: 3). Therefore, if territorial States, such as Poland and Germany, co-operate with each other and embrace the changes that are being created by Europeanisation, the problems that currently exist will be overcome. Cross-border boundaries produce many difficulties for the attainment of a fully integrated EU, yet it has been suggested that boundaries are actually â€Å"fading away in the post-modern, globalized world† (Passi, 2010: 678). Therefore, although Transnationalism and Europeanisation are transforming the political geographies of territorial States and establishing an integrated EU, territoriality still exists. It remains to be seen whether this will ever be any different given that boundaries are a symbol of sovereignty. Furthermore, because Europeanisation still has an impact upon Member and Non-Member States alike, it is questionable whether a borderless world is in fact needed since the structures of the EU are still being adopted regardless (Gabbe, 2010: 3). Consequently, it appears in view of this that closed borders are primarily required to tackle immigration, crime and environmental problems and that as a result of Europeanisation, territorial States are adopting the str uctures of the EU regardless as to whether the borders are open or closed. Therefore, whilst a fully integrated EU would be advantageous, it cannot be said whether the drive for this exists as a real entity or a mere political entity. Transnationalism and Europeanisation have evidently transformed the management of borders both inside and outside the EU by striving for integration and co-operation. However, many believe that the ‘Fortress Europe’ notion still exists (Willem, 2006: 13). Since the Schengen Agreement was entered into in 1995, however, the EU has become even more integrated. This has been considered one of the â€Å"greatest achievements of the EU† (European Commission, 2013: 1). The Schengen Agreement provided the EU with an area that exists without internal borders, which provides individuals with the ability to circulate freely without being subjected to border checks. Whilst this makes it easier for citizens within the internal borders, tighter controls are placed upon the external borders to ensure the protection of those within the Schengen area (Alscher, 2005: 126). This effectively creates a Fortress Europe on the external borders whilst creating a free Europe on the intern al ones. Whilst Europeanisation transforms the political geographies of nation States, it is internalised differently and depends entirely upon the territorial States willingness to change. Therefore, whilst Europeanisation does strongly influence integration, it has been pointed out that the process is â€Å"uneven at both the domestic and regional level† (Anastasakis, 2005: 77). This is because at the regional level differentiation and diversity continues to persist amongst countries and at the domestic level there is a constant battle between reform and reaction. Europeanisation is simply a process that territorial States are to adopt in order to achieve economic integration and create a set of ideals that are being conformed to by all EU Member States. Yet, the workability of this will depend entirely upon the willingness of territorial States. Co-operation amongst States should therefore be encouraged in order to overcome any problems that arise with regards to cross-border relations and to provide adequate protection to citizens. It is unlikely that this will be achieved with ease given the lack of co-operation that currently exists in territories such as G ermany and Poland, yet provided that nation States have a common set of goals, any sensitivity that exists will be dealt with accordingly. Conclusion Overall, Transnationalism and Europeanisation transforms the political geographies of nation-States by establishing common goals and desires that are to be adopted by all States within the EU. Whilst Europeanisation generally seeks to achieve an integrated Europe, territorial States are still being defined by borders. However, in spite of this Transnationalism and Europeanisation still impacts the political geographies of nation States by distinguishing between State sovereignty and European integration. Borders of geographical territories are said to be removed by Europeanisation, yet many borders still exist in order to maintain control and securitization. Europeanisation has, nevertheless, transformed the political geographies of many territorial States by positively impacting the conflicts that transpire between Member and Non-Member States. This is achieved through integration and close association, yet not all States have successfully integrated. This is due to the reluctance o f States to abrogate sovereignty. As a result, divides continue to exist within the EU, despite the attempts that have been made to the adoption of Europeanisation. Hence, it is questionable whether these divides can be rectified given the cultural and political differences that exist within territorial States. The attainment of a fully integrated EU seems to be affected as a result of this, yet the same structures of Europeanisation are still being incorporated regardless of the fact that cross-border boundaries are still being maintained by some States. Thus, because Europeanisation still impacts upon Member and Non-Member States, it is unclear whether a borderless world is needed given that borders help to tackle immigration, crime and environmental problems. Still, it is manifest that Transnationalism and Europeanisation does transform the political geographies of nation-States as a whole. References Alscher, S. (2005) ‘Knocking at the doors of â€Å"Fortress Europe†: Migration and Border Control in Southern Spain and Eastern Poland’, The Centre for Comparative Immigration Studies, University of California, Working Paper 126. Anastasakis, O. (2005) ‘The Europeanisation of the Balkans’ Brown Journal of World Affairs, Volume 12, Issue 1. Cowles, M. G., Caporaso J. A. & Risse Th. (eds.) (2001), Europeanisation and Domestic Change, New York: Ithaca. Driver, F. (1991) ‘Political Geography and State Formation: Disputed Territory’ Progress in Human Geography, Volume 15, Issue 1. Dyson, K. & Goetz, K. H. (eds.) (2003), Germany, Europe and the Politics of Constraint, Oxford; Oxford University Press. European Commission. (2013) ‘Schengen, Borders and Visas’ Home Affairs, [Online] Available at: http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/what-we-do/policies/borders-and-visas/index_en.htm [17 February 2014]. Featherstone, K. & Radaelli, C. (eds.) (2003), The Politics of Europeanisation, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gabbe, J. (2010) ‘Legal Status of Cross-Border Co-Operation Structures – Past, Present and Prospects’ [Online] Available at: http://enpi.interact-eu.net/downloads/40/AEBR_Factsheet_Legal_Status_of_Cross_Border_Cooperation_Structures_Past_Present_and_Prospects.pdf [17 February 2014]. Gronau, A. (2011) ‘European Charter for Border and Cross-Border Regions’ [Online] Available: http://www.aebr.eu/files/publications/110915_Charta_EN_clean.pdf [17 February 2014]. Herrschel, T. (2011) Borders in Post-Socialist Europe: Territory Scale Society, Ashgate Publishing Ltd. Howell, K. (2002). ‘Developing Conceptualizations of Europeanisation and European Integration: Mixing Methodologies’ ESRC Seminar Series / UACES Study Group on the Europeanization of British Politics, Research Unit for Institutional Governance. Jacobsson, B. Laegreid, P. and Pedersen, O. K. (2013) Europeanisation & the Transformation of States, London, Routledge, Political Science. Kratke, S. (2007) Metropolisation of the European Economic Territory as a Consequence of Incerasing Specialisation of Urban Agglomerations in the Knowledge Economy, European Planning Studies, Volume 15, Issue 1. Marciacq, F. (2012) ‘The Political Geographies of Europeanisation: Mapping the Contested Conceptions of Europeanisation’ Journal of Contemporary European Research, Volume 8, Number 1. Maria, A. (2010) ‘Approaching the Euopreanisation process from a cosmopolitan perspective’ [Online] Available at: http://www.idec.gr/iier/new/Europeanization%20Papers%20PDF/Angelopoulou%20-%20Approaching%20the%20Europeanisation%20process%20from%20a%20cosmopolitan%20perspective.pdf [17 February 2014]. Nelles, J. and Walther, O. (2011) Changing European Borders: From Separation to InterfaceAn Introduction, Journal of Urban Research, [Online] Available: http://articulo.revues.org/1658 [17 February 2014]. Mingus, M. S. (2006) Transnationalism and Subnational Paradiplomacy: Are Governance Networks Perforating SovereigntyInternational Journal of Public Administration, Volume 29, Issue 8. Nelles, J. and Walther, O. (2011) Changing European Borders: From Separation to InterfaceAn Introduction, Journal of Urban Research, [Online] Available: http://articulo.revues.org/1658 [17 February 2014]. O’Dowd, L. (2010) The Changing Significance of European Borders, Regional and Federal Studies, Volume 12, Issue 4. Ohmae, K. (1995) The End of the Region State: The Rise of Regional Economies. London: Harper Collins. Paasi, A. (2010) Boundaries as Social Practice and Discourse: The Finnish-Russian Border, Regional Studies, Volume 33, Issue 7. Willem, P. (2006) ‘Freedom of Movement within Fortress Europe’ Archive of European Integration, Biennial Conference 2005. Wunderlich, D. (2009) ‘Governance Networks in the External Dimension of EU Migration Policy: Europeanisation Through the Grapevine?’ [Online] Available at: http://aei.pitt.edu/33165/1/wunderlich._daniel.pdf [17 February 2014]. Ysden, C. (2013) ‘Europeanisation Education: Governing a New Policy Space’ Journal of Education Policy. Best Foot Scrubber available at: http://bestmakeuplooks.com/beauty/best-foot-scrubber/

Liberal vs. Conservative Views on Teen Pregnancy - 649 Words

Liberal Vs Conservative Views on Teen Pregnancy Liberal View on Teen Pregnancy Liberals support teenage pregnancies because according to them: The ideal age for women to start having babies is 17 or 18 compared to 20 or 22. Teenage mothers are better than the older mothers. True that most of the teen age mothers are poor but does delaying childbearing make them escape poverty? It is true that pregnancy and its outcomes are problem for teenagers but arent these issues equally problematic for women of other ages? Teenage pregnancy makes couples more responsible, they quickly finish the school and start working in order to be independent. According to recent reports, teen mothers now complete high school or get a GED which was not the case in the past (Guttmacher Institute: Facts on American Teens Sexual and Reproductive Health). Teen pregnancies allow more time for the mothers to spend with their children as their children grow up when the mother is only in her late 20s. It is easy to come close to children when they reach in their teens as the age difference is very little. Having children in early age means giving yourself an opportunity to enjoy long time with your grandchildren. Conservative View on Teen Pregnancy According to the conservatives: Teen pregnancy is a problem that is indirectly affecting everyone in the society. Getting pregnant in teenage is not a simple but a complex problem which needs proper multifaceted attention and involvement.Show MoreRelatedUrban Poverty: The Underclass Essay2609 Words   |  11 Pagespoverty, William Julius Wilson calls for a revitalization of the liberal perspective in the ghetto underclass debate. 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